BLOG POST 8: UNDERLYING CAUSES OF COMMON SHOCKS AND STRESSES IN THARAKA

BLOG POST 8: UNDERLYING CAUSES OF COMMON SHOCKS AND STRESSES IN THARAKA

This blog post flows directly from blog post 5 on common shocks and stresses in the study area. It seeks to identify the roots causes of major shocks and stresses in the study area.  To aid the discourse, causes are differentiated for climate-related and man-made shocks and stresses.

  

Climate change

This is explained in terms of practices such as deforestation, poor agricultural practices, and other economic activities that hurt the environmental. Local households hardly associate droughts and other environmental risks with climate change. Because of the historical occurrences of these shocks, many of the people see them as acts of God, as normal occurrences, or as events that one is supposed to persevere with because  “ Tharaka has historically faced these shocks or because nothing can one do”.

 

Dependency syndrome

Tharaka community has high dependency syndrome. A key informant from an NGO indicated that many people and households in Tharaka operate on a particular mentality; “not what can do for you but what can you do for me”. Tharaka people are said to give limited support to projects but let them collapse when the donor pulls out “e.g. boreholes dug by SIDA are regarded as SIDA water.”There is over dependence of the community with NGOs which they feel have a lot of money. “When the children are absorbed in the program their parents assumes that they are relieved every any other burden including the discipline. They walk away from their responsibilities. They want to be given everything for their parents including medical bills, basic need and any other need that the child may require”. As and he continues, “they misuse the gifts and presents given to them. Most beneficiaries do not use what they are given for the purpose it was meant; they sometime divert a certain item for other uses a part from the ones intended.

 

Female genital mutilation

FGM is a Tharaka tradition, which seems to have indirect connection with the resilience capacities of women in local society, and eventually those of households. A common view is that FGM was practiced as a rite of passage for women just like circumcision was for men. It was also meant to bring stability within households as it reduced promiscuity among women. During the FGM session, women were taught about the role of women in society, local histories and community secrets, how behave within households and society, how to “manage” their families, child-birth and personal hygiene, and how act during conflicts within households, Generally, it was a  knowledge imparting and ‘training” space for women. Women who had undergone FGM were expected to be well-behaved, good home keepers, good managers of household wealth, and good mothers, wife and in-laws.  

FGM is common both Tharaka South (Marimanti, Karocho, Tunyai and Chaikariga locations) and is usually done at secretly. In Tharaka people believe that if one is not circumcised he is a mwiji(uncircumcised man) or a muthera (woman who has undergone FGM). Clans and tribes, which did never use to get married to each other, are today doing it. Giciaro and clans or ethnic relationships were meant to enable people of Tharaka seek help in case of drought and other needs from their giciaro counterparts. Despite the erosion of culture, Tharaka people are steadfast in engagement with some ‘outdated or/and retrogressive practices’ such as early marriage, forced marriage, alcoholism, and witchcraft and are highly dependent community.

“Dead end” social activities

There are various high cost social events that are common in Tharaka and which form major expenditure items for many households, and often take a significant amount of household income. These events occur at certain months in the year, often after the harvest season when many households are selling their produce in local markets and, as already seen, at low prices. These events include pre-weeding ceremonies, weddings, dowry payments, marriage negotiation parties, birthday parties, circumcision parties, burial parties, graduation parties, home coming parties, among others. Some of these social events are conducted by elites and well off members of local society, but common households are invited or expected to attend with gifts. While some of the social events are based on local traditions and have special purposes in local society, their form and size tend to be exaggerated and hardy in tandem with changed economic circumstances of local communities. 

Alcoholism

Beer making and beer drinking has been a tradition activity among the Tharaka, who are traditionally beekeepers. They have traditionally made beer from honey harvested from beehives owned by households, and from millet and sorghum (Marwa). There were very little licensed bars and beer drinking in market centers and local townships as is evident today. Beer drinking was also restricted to older persons and shunned among the youths. Alcoholics were pruned upon and mocked in Tharaka traditional society. However, over the last two decades or so, alcoholism has become a menace in many parts of Tharaka, involving both older persons and youths. Some of the local people spend a big part of their time and household income on local brews and licensed alcohol. This affects household disposable income for meeting basic and other needs and to improve their general living conditions. Reduced productivity exposes them to food insecurity and desperation during time of droughts. Households with one or more members who are alcoholics are perpetually food insecure and vulnerable to other stresses. 

 

Market malpractices

Market exchanges, linkages and interactions are a major factor in understanding resilience capacities of the Tharaka people. This is particularly in relation to the market behavior and practices of local households and traders (largely cereals and livestock traders). Local obtain income (buy selling goods and services) and food (by purchasing from local shops and stores) from local markets. They do this from shopping centres and townships located in the two sub-counties. They use money, which they exchange with goods and services. In the older days before invention of money as a medium of exchange, people used to practice barter trade.

Food is sold by use of tins, which are equivalent to certain measurements. There is a tin, which is equivalent to weight of one kilogram, which is used to sell various foods such as green grams, beans, pigeon peas and maize. According presentation by the KFSG, 148 Kgs of maize is equivalent to 1 goat. A goat sells at 3,800 to 4,000 shillings in the local market. Most of other foods (apart from cereals) come from Meru, which is rich agriculturally. Due to the urge to meet household needs, farmers sell their produce at throwaway prices soon after harvest leaving them vulnerable to food insecurity.

During the market days farmers take their livestock to the market to sell. Livestock traded include goats, cattle, sheep and chicken. A few people own donkeys and domestic animals such as dogs and cats but these are never sold in the local market. Livestock fetch better prices than farm produce. Gatunga is the biggest market for livestock in the entire Tharaka, which attracts traders from within Tharaka and beyond. There is a tendency to sell more livestock during drought and restock after harvest.

 

Service provision gaps

Both sub-counties of Tharaka are covered by primary schools, which provide primary education to children. Tharaka North has 106 primary schools while South Tharaka has 61. There are more than 30 secondary schools in both subcounties, which provide secondary education. However, there is still over reliance on secondary education from the upper areas of Tharaka Nithi County (i.e. Chuka, Muthambi and Igoji areas) and Meru County. There is only one University College called Chuka University campus and vocational training Institute called Tharaka Technical and Vocational Institute.

There is only one district hospital known as Tharaka District Hospital which is categorized as level 4 which provides which is not enough to serve the population of the two subcounties. There however are sparsely distributed public health centres and dispensaries in both counties. Devolution and the establishment of county government have led to emergency of new shopping and urban centres in the rural areas where people access local markets to buy and sell goods such as food and clothing.

In both sub-counties, government services are located at the subcounty and ward (division) levels where heads of departments and units are based. The national administration goes up to location (headed by the Chiefs and Assistant Chiefs) and village (headed by the area managers) who provide administrative services to local residents. There are hardly any police stations and posts, and members of the community walk long distance to access security related services. The main police stations and posts are located in urban centres especially Marimanti and Gatunga. The only GSU camp is located in Usweni to ward off sporadic attacks by Somali bandits.

There are no agricultural and livestock extension services in the two sub-counties of Tharaka sub-counties, which used to be available in the 60 to 80s. Extension services are demand driven and the officers concerned have to be facilitated to provide them. Public health officers also hardly visit members of the community unless there is an outbreak. However, community health volunteers are on the ground and the linkage between the public health department and the community.

The whole of Tharaka is served by roads although they are not all weather. Only Marimanti- Gatunga road is tarmacked and Mati Road which passes through Tunyai, Chiakariga and Kathwana. During rain most of the roads that are not tarmacked become almost impassable. The road from Kabaoni (Tunyai) to Kithino, Nguuru and Kaare areas is carpeted by with murrum which was done by the county government.

Some of the seasonal rivers in the two subcounties are have no bridge and pose danger to people and vehicles during rain. Examples include Ithukampia and Mukunyangi, which are on way to Gacooroni market. The road from Marimanti to Chaikariga is in bad state and the contractor who is undertaking the construction of the tarmac is slow as he has only done Gatunga-Marimanti stretch.

Corruption and impunity

Ina normal day and in most of the spheres of life, most Tharaka will encounter one form of corruption in a one way or another. Hardly are public services among local pubic officers offered without some level of consideration for “chai”. Chai is a token that is expected from the one seeking services to the one providing services. These services would include advice or assistance for the local village elder, sub-chief, or chief; assistance when one faces a difficult such as being involved in a criminal act; when involved in petty offenses; and when seeking services such as recommendation letters, birth registration and land sales. The most depleting of these corruption costs is when those involving criminal acts in which both the accuser and accused persons must art with money at some point to government officials handling the case, as a form of (facilitation fee” to keep the case on course or to obtain “lesser punishment”.  Land sale agreements, even when officiated by government officials involve payment of “facilitation fees” to the officials, and neighbors who witness the deal. During the recruitment of public and state officials, notably into the police or army, vast majority of households with sons and daughters seeking employment have give money for favorable consideration, which is often in hundreds of thousands. Theses households sell assets acquired over a long period of time to meet this need. This include sale of land (some several acres), plots and animals, while other take loans. Those who succeed work hard (including engaging themselves in corrupt practices as well) to recover their cost. The unlucky ones have to live with this misfortune and may never recover from the losses. Local elites are often the ones who purchase these assets, often at far lower than normal market prices. Overall, corruption is a major household expenditure item for many households in Tharaka.

Elite and institutional capture

“Normal” , ordinary households seem to operate on a day to day basis at the mercy of local elites of different shades: school system elites (teachers, head teacher, school committees), public service sector elites (police, assistant chief, chiefs, health officials, agricultural officials, etc), market/economic elites (traders, shop owners, etc), political elites (MCA, opinion  leaders), among others.  These elites have predatory behaviors towards the common man, including eth demand or perceived entitlement for “chai” in return for services sought or rendered, as well as taking advantage of the desperation of local households in from of poor service provision, low prices for goods and services on offer by the common people, or exaggerated prices for items sought by the common people. The net effect of these is reduced household income, high costs of services, depletion of household assets acquired over long period of time, which have a direct impact on poverty and resilience capacity of local households.

 

Selling of land and assets

 

During the recruitment of public and state officials, notably into the police or army, vast majority of households with sons and daughters seeking employment have given money for favorable consideration, which is often in hundreds of thousands. Theses households sell assets acquired over a long period of time to meet this need. This include sale of land (some several acres), plots and animals, while other take loans. Those who succeed work hard (including engaging themselves in corrupt practices as well) to recover their cost. The unlucky ones have to live with this misfortune and may never recover from the losses. Local elites are often the ones who purchase these assets, often at far lower than normal market prices.

 

Land infertility

Tharaka South and Tharaka North can be categorized into 2 ecological zones - high to medium agricultural potential areas (wetter zone) and low agricultural potential areas (dry areas). The former has relatively cooler climate and better soils, which support most of the crops grown in Tharaka, including maize, beans, cowpeas, pigeon peas, millet, sorghum, green grams, among others. Yields per acre are often higher compared to the drier parts of the two sub-counties. In Tharaka South sub-county, the locations include Tunyai, Nkarini, Karocho, Turima, Nkondi and Mwanyani locations. In Tharaka North, the locations are Gikingo, Thiiti and Ntoroni. Most of the two sub-counties fall under the drier parts, which arecharacterized by low land productivity, shortage of rainfall. Most of the vulnerable households in Tharaka are found in this area. In Tharaka South Sub-county the locations are: Chiakariga, Kamanyaki, Kamaindi, Gakurungu, Ntugi, and Marimanti.  In Tharaka North Sub-county, the locations are Gatue, Kanjoro, Maragwa, and Kathangachini.

Other causes of stresses and shocks:

·         Early marriages to young girls who acts as the assets of the family. They are sold to old men as second or third wife so that the family can get food.

·         Greediness for power to grab property

·         Irresponsive parenting

·         Ignorance of education have contributed to cause of stresses and shocks

·         Poor hygiene and sanitation tend to cause health problems.

Other emerging concepts that explain the causes, effects and adaptive practices towards shocks and stresses in Tharaka

A large number of concepts, themes and subthemes with relevance to understanding systems resilience in the Tharaka South and Tharaka North sub-counties emerge from data so far collected. These concepts/themes are either directly or indirectly connected to resilience and disaster risk reduction capacities and practices in the study area. Exact connection will be explored and established upon the completion of data collection and subsequent data analysis.

The main ones are as follows:

·         Poverty / poverty reduction efforts

·         Marginalization / underdevelopment

·         Food economy

·         Level of household incomes and expenditures

·         Practice of irrigated agriculture

·         Access and uptake of innovations and new technologies

·         Role of men and women in rural economy

·         Social structure/social organization of the Tharaka and its effects on food economy

·         Migration/mobility into and out of Tharaka during times of shortages and “normal” times

·         Ecology: climate-related shocks and stresses, soil fertility

·         Understanding of climate change and disaster risk reduction

·         Elite capture of community resources, economic opportunities, and decision making processes

·         Formal employment opportunities

·         Profit motive / business interest of local traders manifested in exploitative pricing of goods and services

·         Markets practices: accessibility, linkages, exchanges, availability and price of goods and services  

·         Local culture: traditional norms, beliefs, values and practices such as witchcraft, female genital mutilation, dowry payment, polygamy, food storage, eating habits, and social events

·         Intra-community and inter-community conflict: Conflict household level, intra-community, inter-community, generational conflict with various sources - social, economic and political.

·         External influence - new cultures, government policies, religion.

·         Public services provision and their impact on household incomes and assets building

·         Role of NGOs in local development - unfocused development support?

·         Role of government in local development - quality of governance, policy implementation, and service provision